Here's the report I wrote on Rio+20: NOTES FROM RIO+20: WHY IT DIDN'T FAIL By Herman F. Greene I was in Rio from June 13-22 for the UN Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20) and events preceding it. The prevailing sentiment is that Rio+20 was a failure. Scott Simon of NPR described it as the biggest UN conference ever and perhaps one of its biggest duds. The New York Times quoted a representative of CARE as saying it was "nothing more than a political charade," and a representative of Greenpeace as declaring it "a failure of epic proportions." When the official outcome document from Rio+20, titled "The Future We Want," is not rejected outright, tepid assessments are generally given such as "it partially salvaged prior commitments, but offered little new." Evaluating Rio+20 as a failure has consequences. For some, the "failure" of Rio+20 underscores the weakness or the UN processes as a whole. Because blame for the alleged failure has largely been placed on "governments," the faith of some in the ability of governmental and intergovernmental organizations to address major problems has fallen. In the United States, where the event was seldom reported, summary reports of failure may lead some to say, "I didn't know about it and it wasn't important anyway." My view of the conference is, however, different. I had to educate myself to understand the UN sustainable development process, of which Rio+20 is only the latest chapter in a 40-year long and continuing history. I began to engage directly in this process in October 2011 in order to promote formation of an International Ethics Panel on Ecological Civilization (IEPEC), a panel first proposed by Professor Ryoichi Yamamoto at a September 2011 conference in Tokyo. Returning from that conference, I learned Rio+20 was the place to take this idea as many NGOs and some governments were emphasizing the need for new ethical structures in UN governance in connection with one of Rio+20's two major themes, "Institutional Framework for Sustainable Development." In the course of attending three preparatory events in New York and the final Rio+20 conference, I have learned the UN's sustainable development process is not primarily about the environment. It is about how the peoples of the world, as a whole, can improve their lives and the forms of development that are most appropriate for achieving this. Environment comes in because it must: after all Earth is the living planet and resource base on which humans depend both physically and culturally. Economics enters because our current understanding of social development is dominated by it and by certain established conventions, such as GDP, neo-liberalism, globalization, and industrialization, all of which were questioned in the Rio+20 debates, especially in relation to the conference's other major theme, "The Green Economy in the Context of Poverty Eradication and Sustainable Development. I have learned that equity and security, in unfamiliar ways, are at the heart of every sustainable development debate. Small island states ask if it is equitable that they should be flooded due to global warming and rising seas attributable to the actions of others. The President of Ecuador raises the question how much should his country be paid to leave rainforests intact in order to produce oxygen for the world. The "Green Economy," is viewed by many in the Global South (the term commonly used in place of the "Third World") as a further expansion of global capitalism, the commodification of nature and a threat to indigenous people. Security becomes a question for many of whether they will have enough food to eat in a world, soon to be populated by 9 billion people, facing erosion of land, desertification and land grabs by both foreign governments and corporations. Subsistence farmers wonder why they must enter the monetary economy to become "sustainable" or "be lifted out of poverty," and why their occupation of land for centuries does not constitute "title." I have learned that civil society, largely composed of nonprofit organizations (also called nongovernmental organizations or NGOs) and given quite limited official status, by holding to ideals of the future, commenting on intergovernmental negotiations and making their voices heard, are collectively a major force in the UN sustainable development process. Yet I have also learned that, now more than ever, government is the indispensable actor in bringing about the future we want. With this growing knowledge, I have come to understand Rio+20 as not being a failure. The language of outcome documents in UN conferences such as Rio+20 are arrived at by consensus. Thus, the outcome document of Rio+20 reflected where there was and was not a global consensus on future commitments. The current financial crisis (and related national and regional politics) hung like a shadow over the proceedings. While progress on new commitments would have been preferable, the central issue in the proceedings became whether governments would preserve the basic principles of sustainable development adopted at the First Earth Summit in Rio in 1992, principles such as social equity, gender equality, common but differentiated responsibilities (requiring greater responsibility for developed countries), human rights (including, heretofore unrecognized rights to clean, drinkable water, basic sanitation, food security, a minimum standard of living, and a social protection floor), the polluter pays, the precautionary principle and the right to development (the right of all peoples to develop their own resources for their own needs, interests, and cultures). The reaffirmation of these principles became the limited success of the governmental portion of Rio+20. The greater achievements came in the civil society portion. More than 30,000 civil society representatives participated in the official Rio+20 conference and 100,000 more in the concurrent People's Summit and protest marches. There were also large concurrent business and professional gatherings in Rio, such as Business Action for Sustainable Development Business Day and the World Congress on Justice, Governance and Law for Environmental Sustainability. Knowing of the limitations of the official outcome document, activists released 14 People's Sustainability Treaties and a People's Sustainability Manifesto. President Rousseff of Brazil was justified in calling Rio+20 the most participatory conference in history and "a global expression of democracy." People who gathered in Rio knew the official results of the conference would be limited. They came nevertheless to network and to set the stage for the next phase of the UN sustainable development process, the shaping of the post 2015-development agenda in which the present Millennium Development Goals will be integrated into broader and more ambitious sustainable development goals. Those from civil society left to form a global citizens' movement to take action now for sustainable development and to develop the political will for global policy change. Rio+20 was not an end, rather it was a new beginning. Herman _____________________________________________ Herman Greene 2516 Winningham Drive Chapel Hill, NC 27516 919-929-4116 (h) 919-624-0579 (c) 919-942-4358 (f) Skype: hgreene-nc hfgreene@mindspring.com
Herman, Thank you very much for your presence at RIO+20 and your report on it. Will continue to ponder... Ellie -----Original Message----- From: Herman Greene <hfgreene@mindspring.com> To: 'Order Ecumenical Community' <oe@lists.wedgeblade.net> Sent: Thu, Jul 19, 2012 7:20 pm Subject: [Oe List ...] My report on Rio+20 Here’s the report I wrote on Rio+20: NOTESFROM RIO+20: WHY IT DIDN’T FAIL ByHerman F. Greene I was in Rio from June 13-22 for the UN Conference onSustainable Development (Rio+20) and eventspreceding it. The prevailing sentiment is that Rio+20was a failure. Scott Simon of NPR described it as the biggest UN conferenceever and perhaps one of its biggest duds. TheNew York Times quoted a representative of CARE as saying it was “nothingmore than a political charade,” and a representative of Greenpeace asdeclaring it “a failure of epic proportions.” When the officialoutcome document from Rio+20, titled“The Future We Want,” is not rejected outright, tepid assessmentsare generally given such as “it partially salvaged prior commitments, butoffered little new.” Evaluating Rio+20 as a failure hasconsequences. For some, the “failure” of Rio+20underscores the weakness or the UN processes as a whole. Because blame for thealleged failure has largely been placed on “governments,” the faithof some in the ability of governmental and intergovernmental organizations toaddress major problems has fallen. In the United States, where the event was seldomreported, summary reports of failure may lead some to say, “Ididn’t know about it and it wasn’t important anyway.” My view of the conference is, however, different. I had to educatemyself to understand the UN sustainable development process, of which Rio+20 is only the latest chapter in a 40-year long andcontinuing history. I began to engage directly in this process in October 2011 inorder to promote formation of an International Ethics Panel on EcologicalCivilization (IEPEC), a panel first proposed by Professor Ryoichi Yamamoto at a September 2011 conference in Tokyo. Returning from thatconference, I learned Rio+20 was the place to take this idea as many NGOs andsome governments were emphasizing the need for new ethical structures in UNgovernance in connection with one of Rio+20’s two major themes, “InstitutionalFramework for Sustainable Development.” In the course of attending three preparatory events in New York and the final Rio+20conference, I have learned the UN’s sustainable development process isnot primarily about the environment. It is about how the peoples of the world,as a whole, can improve their lives and the forms of development that are mostappropriate for achieving this. Environment comes in because it must: after allEarth is the living planet and resource base on which humans depend bothphysically and culturally. Economics enters because our current understandingof social development is dominated by it and by certain establishedconventions, such as GDP, neo-liberalism, globalization, and industrialization,all of which were questioned in the Rio+20 debates, especially in relation tothe conference’s other major theme, “The Green Economy in theContext of Poverty Eradication and Sustainable Development. I have learned that equity and security, in unfamiliar ways, are at theheart of every sustainable development debate. Small island states ask if it isequitable that they should be flooded due to global warming and rising seasattributable to the actions of others. The President of Ecuador raises thequestion how much should his country be paid to leave rainforests intact inorder to produce oxygen for the world. The “Green Economy,” isviewed by many in the Global South (the term commonly used in place of the“Third World”) as a furtherexpansion of global capitalism, the commodification of nature and a threat toindigenous people. Security becomes a question for many of whether they willhave enough food to eat in a world, soon to be populated by 9 billion people,facing erosion of land, desertification and land grabs by both foreign governmentsand corporations. Subsistence farmers wonder why they must enter the monetary economyto become “sustainable” or “be lifted out of poverty,”and why their occupation of land for centuries does not constitute “title.” I have learned that civil society, largely composed of nonprofitorganizations (also called nongovernmental organizations or NGOs) and given quitelimited official status, by holding to ideals of the future, commenting onintergovernmental negotiations and making their voices heard, are collectivelya major force in the UN sustainable development process. Yet I have alsolearned that, now more than ever, government is the indispensable actor inbringing about the future we want. With this growing knowledge, I have come to understand Rio+20 as not being a failure. The language of outcomedocuments in UN conferences such as Rio+20 arearrived at by consensus. Thus, the outcome document of Rio+20reflected where there was and was not a global consensus on future commitments.The current financial crisis (and related national and regional politics) hunglike a shadow over the proceedings. While progress on new commitments wouldhave been preferable, the central issue in the proceedings became whethergovernments would preserve the basic principles of sustainable development adoptedat the First Earth Summit in Rio in 1992, principles such as social equity,gender equality, common but differentiated responsibilities (requiring greaterresponsibility for developed countries), human rights (including, heretoforeunrecognized rights to clean, drinkable water, basic sanitation, food security,a minimum standard of living, and a social protection floor), the polluterpays, the precautionary principle and the right to development (the right ofall peoples to develop their own resources for their own needs, interests, andcultures). The reaffirmation of these principles became the limited success ofthe governmental portion of Rio+20. The greater achievements came in the civil society portion. More than 30,000civil society representatives participated in the official Rio+20 conference and100,000 more in the concurrent People’s Summit and protest marches. There were also largeconcurrent business and professional gatherings in Rio,such as Business Action for Sustainable Development Business Day and the WorldCongress on Justice, Governance and Law for Environmental Sustainability. Knowingof the limitations of the official outcome document, activists released 14People’s Sustainability Treaties and a People’s SustainabilityManifesto. President Rousseff of Brazil was justified in calling Rio+20 the most participatory conference in history and“a global expression of democracy.” People who gathered in Rio knew theofficial results of the conference would be limited. They came nevertheless tonetwork and to set the stage for the next phase of the UN sustainable developmentprocess, the shaping of the post 2015-development agenda in which the presentMillennium Development Goals will be integrated into broader and more ambitioussustainable development goals. Those from civil society left to form a globalcitizens’ movement to take action now for sustainable development and todevelop the political will for global policy change. Rio+20was not an end, rather it was a new beginning. Herman _____________________________________________ Herman Greene 2516 Winningham Drive Chapel Hill, NC 27516 919-929-4116 (h) 919-624-0579 (c) 919-942-4358 (f) Skype: hgreene-nc hfgreene@mindspring.com _______________________________________________ OE mailing list OE@lists.wedgeblade.net http://lists.wedgeblade.net/listinfo.cgi/oe-wedgeblade.net
Dear Herman, Thank you very much for sharing your reflections on RIo+20. They very helpfully illuminate the complexity of our real situation as human beings working toward sustainable development on planet earth. Go well, Jeanette On 2012-07-19, at 8:19 PM, Herman Greene wrote:
Here’s the report I wrote on Rio+20:
NOTES FROM RIO+20: WHY IT DIDN’T FAIL By Herman F. Greene I was in Rio from June 13-22 for the UN Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20) and events preceding it. The prevailing sentiment is that Rio+20 was a failure. Scott Simon of NPR described it as the biggest UN conference ever and perhaps one of its biggest duds. The New York Times quoted a representative of CARE as saying it was “nothing more than a political charade,” and a representative of Greenpeace as declaring it “a failure of epic proportions.” When the official outcome document from Rio+20, titled “The Future We Want,” is not rejected outright, tepid assessments are generally given such as “it partially salvaged prior commitments, but offered little new.”
Evaluating Rio+20 as a failure has consequences. For some, the “failure” of Rio+20 underscores the weakness or the UN processes as a whole. Because blame for the alleged failure has largely been placed on “governments,” the faith of some in the ability of governmental and intergovernmental organizations to address major problems has fallen. In the United States, where the event was seldom reported, summary reports of failure may lead some to say, “I didn’t know about it and it wasn’t important anyway.”
My view of the conference is, however, different. I had to educate myself to understand the UN sustainable development process, of which Rio+20 is only the latest chapter in a 40-year long and continuing history. I began to engage directly in this process in October 2011 in order to promote formation of an International Ethics Panel on Ecological Civilization (IEPEC), a panel first proposed by Professor Ryoichi Yamamoto at a September 2011 conference in Tokyo. Returning from that conference, I learned Rio+20 was the place to take this idea as many NGOs and some governments were emphasizing the need for new ethical structures in UN governance in connection with one of Rio+20’s two major themes, “Institutional Framework for Sustainable Development.”
In the course of attending three preparatory events in New York and the final Rio+20 conference, I have learned the UN’s sustainable development process is not primarily about the environment. It is about how the peoples of the world, as a whole, can improve their lives and the forms of development that are most appropriate for achieving this. Environment comes in because it must: after all Earth is the living planet and resource base on which humans depend both physically and culturally. Economics enters because our current understanding of social development is dominated by it and by certain established conventions, such as GDP, neo-liberalism, globalization, and industrialization, all of which were questioned in the Rio+20 debates, especially in relation to the conference’s other major theme, “The Green Economy in the Context of Poverty Eradication and Sustainable Development.
I have learned that equity and security, in unfamiliar ways, are at the heart of every sustainable development debate. Small island states ask if it is equitable that they should be flooded due to global warming and rising seas attributable to the actions of others. The President of Ecuador raises the question how much should his country be paid to leave rainforests intact in order to produce oxygen for the world. The “Green Economy,” is viewed by many in the Global South (the term commonly used in place of the “Third World”) as a further expansion of global capitalism, the commodification of nature and a threat to indigenous people. Security becomes a question for many of whether they will have enough food to eat in a world, soon to be populated by 9 billion people, facing erosion of land, desertification and land grabs by both foreign governments and corporations. Subsistence farmers wonder why they must enter the monetary economy to become “sustainable” or “be lifted out of poverty,” and why their occupation of land for centuries does not constitute “title.”
I have learned that civil society, largely composed of nonprofit organizations (also called nongovernmental organizations or NGOs) and given quite limited official status, by holding to ideals of the future, commenting on intergovernmental negotiations and making their voices heard, are collectively a major force in the UN sustainable development process. Yet I have also learned that, now more than ever, government is the indispensable actor in bringing about the future we want.
With this growing knowledge, I have come to understand Rio+20 as not being a failure. The language of outcome documents in UN conferences such as Rio+20 are arrived at by consensus. Thus, the outcome document of Rio+20 reflected where there was and was not a global consensus on future commitments. The current financial crisis (and related national and regional politics) hung like a shadow over the proceedings. While progress on new commitments would have been preferable, the central issue in the proceedings became whether governments would preserve the basic principles of sustainable development adopted at the First Earth Summit in Rio in 1992, principles such as social equity, gender equality, common but differentiated responsibilities (requiring greater responsibility for developed countries), human rights (including, heretofore unrecognized rights to clean, drinkable water, basic sanitation, food security, a minimum standard of living, and a social protection floor), the polluter pays, the precautionary principle and the right to development (the right of all peoples to develop their own resources for their own needs, interests, and cultures). The reaffirmation of these principles became the limited success of the governmental portion of Rio+20.
The greater achievements came in the civil society portion. More than 30,000 civil society representatives participated in the official Rio+20 conference and 100,000 more in the concurrent People’s Summit and protest marches. There were also large concurrent business and professional gatherings in Rio, such as Business Action for Sustainable Development Business Day and the World Congress on Justice, Governance and Law for Environmental Sustainability. Knowing of the limitations of the official outcome document, activists released 14 People’s Sustainability Treaties and a People’s Sustainability Manifesto. President Rousseff of Brazil was justified in calling Rio+20 the most participatory conference in history and “a global expression of democracy.”
People who gathered in Rio knew the official results of the conference would be limited. They came nevertheless to network and to set the stage for the next phase of the UN sustainable development process, the shaping of the post 2015-development agenda in which the present Millennium Development Goals will be integrated into broader and more ambitious sustainable development goals. Those from civil society left to form a global citizens’ movement to take action now for sustainable development and to develop the political will for global policy change. Rio+20 was not an end, rather it was a new beginning.
Herman _____________________________________________ Herman Greene 2516 Winningham Drive Chapel Hill, NC 27516 919-929-4116 (h) 919-624-0579 (c) 919-942-4358 (f) Skype: hgreene-nc hfgreene@mindspring.com
_______________________________________________ OE mailing list OE@lists.wedgeblade.net http://lists.wedgeblade.net/listinfo.cgi/oe-wedgeblade.net
Jeanette Stanfield jstanfield@ica-associates.ca The Courage to Lead ebook paperback bookstore.iuniverse.com/Products/SKU-000549321/the-courage-to-lead.aspx http://alturl.com/y67hu www.icacan.org
Dear Herman, Sustainable Development on the Planet Earth is a mission whose implications are everyone's concern and responsiblity, yet like many impossible tasks need champions to hold the banner so we don't lose our way. Thank you for being the one who is willing to share your reflections on Rio+20 and continue to stand. Evelyn Kurihara Philbrook On Thu, Jul 19, 2012 at 8:04 PM, Jeanette Stanfield < jstanfield@ica-associates.ca> wrote:
Dear Herman, Thank you very much for sharing your reflections on RIo+20. They very helpfully illuminate the complexity of our real situation as human beings working toward sustainable development on planet earth.
Go well,
Jeanette
On 2012-07-19, at 8:19 PM, Herman Greene wrote:
****************
Here’s the report I wrote on **Rio**+20:****
** **
** **
*NOTES FROM RIO+20: WHY IT DIDN’T FAIL*
*By Herman F. Greene*
I was in Rio from June 13-22 for the UN Conference on Sustainable Development (**Rio**+20) and events preceding it. The prevailing sentiment is that **Rio**+20 was a failure. Scott Simon of NPR described it as the biggest UN conference ever and perhaps one of its biggest duds. *The New York Times *quoted a representative of CARE as saying it was “nothing more than a political charade,” and a representative of Greenpeace as declaring it “a failure of epic proportions.” When the official outcome document from **Rio**+20, titled “The Future We Want,” is not rejected outright, tepid assessments are generally given such as “it partially salvaged prior commitments, but offered little new.”****
** **
Evaluating **Rio**+20 as a failure has consequences. For some, the “failure” of **Rio**+20 underscores the weakness or the UN processes as a whole. Because blame for the alleged failure has largely been placed on “governments,” the faith of some in the ability of governmental and intergovernmental organizations to address major problems has fallen. In the ****United States****, where the event was seldom reported, summary reports of failure may lead some to say, “I didn’t know about it and it wasn’t important anyway.”****
** **
My view of the conference is, however, different. I had to educate myself to understand the UN sustainable development process, of which **Rio**+20 is only the latest chapter in a 40-year long and continuing history. I began to engage directly in this process in October 2011 in order to promote formation of an International Ethics Panel on Ecological Civilization (IEPEC), a panel first proposed by Professor **Ryoichi Yamamoto** at a September 2011 conference in ****Tokyo****. Returning from that conference, I learned Rio+20 was the place to take this idea as many NGOs and some governments were emphasizing the need for new ethical structures in UN governance in connection with one of Rio+20’s two major themes, “Institutional Framework for Sustainable Development.”****
** **
In the course of attending three preparatory events in **New York** and the final **Rio**+20 conference, I have learned the UN’s sustainable development process is not primarily about the environment. It is about how the peoples of the world, as a whole, can improve their lives and the forms of development that are most appropriate for achieving this. Environment comes in because it must: after all Earth is the living planet and resource base on which humans depend both physically and culturally. Economics enters because our current understanding of social development is dominated by it and by certain established conventions, such as GDP, neo-liberalism, globalization, and industrialization, all of which were questioned in the Rio+20 debates, especially in relation to the conference’s other major theme, “The Green Economy in the Context of Poverty Eradication and Sustainable Development.****
** **
I have learned that equity and security, in unfamiliar ways, are at the heart of every sustainable development debate. Small island states ask if it is equitable that they should be flooded due to global warming and rising seas attributable to the actions of others. The President of Ecuador raises the question how much should his country be paid to leave rainforests intact in order to produce oxygen for the world. The “Green Economy,” is viewed by many in the Global South (the term commonly used in place of the “**Third World**”) as a further expansion of global capitalism, the commodification of nature and a threat to indigenous people. Security becomes a question for many of whether they will have enough food to eat in a world, soon to be populated by 9 billion people, facing erosion of land, desertification and land grabs by both foreign governments and corporations. Subsistence farmers wonder why they must enter the monetary economy to become “sustainable” or “be lifted out of poverty,” and why their occupation of land for centuries does not constitute “title.”****
** **
I have learned that civil society, largely composed of nonprofit organizations (also called nongovernmental organizations or NGOs) and given quite limited official status, by holding to ideals of the future, commenting on intergovernmental negotiations and making their voices heard, are collectively a major force in the UN sustainable development process. Yet I have also learned that, now more than ever, government is the indispensable actor in bringing about the future we want.****
** **
With this growing knowledge, I have come to understand **Rio**+20 as not being a failure. The language of outcome documents in UN conferences such as **Rio**+20 are arrived at by consensus. Thus, the outcome document of * *Rio**+20 reflected where there was and was not a global consensus on future commitments. The current financial crisis (and related national and regional politics) hung like a shadow over the proceedings. While progress on new commitments would have been preferable, the central issue in the proceedings became whether governments would preserve the basic principles of sustainable development adopted at the First Earth Summit in Rio in 1992, principles such as social equity, gender equality, common but differentiated responsibilities (requiring greater responsibility for developed countries), human rights (including, heretofore unrecognized rights to clean, drinkable water, basic sanitation, food security, a minimum standard of living, and a social protection floor), the polluter pays, the precautionary principle and the right to development (the right of all peoples to develop their own resources for their own needs, interests, and cultures). The reaffirmation of these principles became the limited success of the governmental portion of **Rio**+20.****
** **
The greater achievements came in the civil society portion. More than 30,000 civil society representatives participated in the official Rio+20 conference and 100,000 more in the concurrent People’s ****Summit**** and protest marches. There were also large concurrent business and professional gatherings in **Rio**, such as Business Action for Sustainable Development Business Day and the World Congress on Justice, Governance and Law for Environmental Sustainability. Knowing of the limitations of the official outcome document, activists released 14 People’s Sustainability Treaties and a People’s Sustainability Manifesto. President Rousseff of ** Brazil** was justified in calling **Rio**+20 the most participatory conference in history and “a global expression of democracy.”****
** **
People who gathered in **Rio** knew the official results of the conference would be limited. They came nevertheless to network and to set the stage for the next phase of the UN sustainable development process, the shaping of the post 2015-development agenda in which the present Millennium Development Goals will be integrated into broader and more ambitious sustainable development goals. Those from civil society left to form a global citizens’ movement to take action now for sustainable development and to develop the political will for global policy change. **Rio**+20 was not an end, rather it was a new beginning. ****
** **
Herman**** *_____________________________________________***** **Herman Greene****** ********************2516 Winningham Drive************************ ********************************Chapel Hill**************, ********NC***** *** ********27516************** 919-929-4116 (h)**** 919-624-0579 (c)**** 919-942-4358 (f)**** Skype: hgreene-nc**** hfgreene@mindspring.com ****
** ** _______________________________________________
OE mailing list OE@lists.wedgeblade.net http://lists.wedgeblade.net/listinfo.cgi/oe-wedgeblade.net ****************
Jeanette Stanfield jstanfield@ica-associates.ca
The Courage to Lead ebook paperback bookstore.iuniverse.com/Products/SKU-000549321/the-courage-to-lead.aspx
www.icacan.org
_______________________________________________ OE mailing list OE@lists.wedgeblade.net http://lists.wedgeblade.net/listinfo.cgi/oe-wedgeblade.net
-- Evelyn Kurihara Philbrook ICA Certified Facilitator ICA Taiwan Office: 3 fl.,#12, Lane 5, Tien Mou W. Rd, Taipei, 11156, Taiwan ROC Tel: (886) 2-2871-3150 Home: (8862) 2873-3007 Email: joyful52@gmail.com, joyful@icatw.com skype: Evelyn Philbrook
Dear Herman, Thank you for the sound of hope here. I am reminded of the phrase' world wide and history long' we often used. I feel able to hold up my head again.. Shalom, Isobel Bishop. On 20/07/2012, at 10:19 AM, Herman Greene wrote:
Here’s the report I wrote on Rio+20:
NOTES FROM RIO+20: WHY IT DIDN’T FAIL By Herman F. Greene I was in Rio from June 13-22 for the UN Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20) and events preceding it. The prevailing sentiment is that Rio+20 was a failure. Scott Simon of NPR described it as the biggest UN conference ever and perhaps one of its biggest duds. The New York Times quoted a representative of CARE as saying it was “nothing more than a political charade,” and a representative of Greenpeace as declaring it “a failure of epic proportions.” When the official outcome document from Rio+20, titled “The Future We Want,” is not rejected outright, tepid assessments are generally given such as “it partially salvaged prior commitments, but offered little new.”
Evaluating Rio+20 as a failure has consequences. For some, the “failure” of Rio+20 underscores the weakness or the UN processes as a whole. Because blame for the alleged failure has largely been placed on “governments,” the faith of some in the ability of governmental and intergovernmental organizations to address major problems has fallen. In the United States, where the event was seldom reported, summary reports of failure may lead some to say, “I didn’t know about it and it wasn’t important anyway.”
My view of the conference is, however, different. I had to educate myself to understand the UN sustainable development process, of which Rio+20 is only the latest chapter in a 40-year long and continuing history. I began to engage directly in this process in October 2011 in order to promote formation of an International Ethics Panel on Ecological Civilization (IEPEC), a panel first proposed by Professor Ryoichi Yamamoto at a September 2011 conference in Tokyo. Returning from that conference, I learned Rio +20 was the place to take this idea as many NGOs and some governments were emphasizing the need for new ethical structures in UN governance in connection with one of Rio+20’s two major themes, “Institutional Framework for Sustainable Development.”
In the course of attending three preparatory events in New York and the final Rio+20 conference, I have learned the UN’s sustainable development process is not primarily about the environment. It is about how the peoples of the world, as a whole, can improve their lives and the forms of development that are most appropriate for achieving this. Environment comes in because it must: after all Earth is the living planet and resource base on which humans depend both physically and culturally. Economics enters because our current understanding of social development is dominated by it and by certain established conventions, such as GDP, neo-liberalism, globalization, and industrialization, all of which were questioned in the Rio+20 debates, especially in relation to the conference’s other major theme, “The Green Economy in the Context of Poverty Eradication and Sustainable Development.
I have learned that equity and security, in unfamiliar ways, are at the heart of every sustainable development debate. Small island states ask if it is equitable that they should be flooded due to global warming and rising seas attributable to the actions of others. The President of Ecuador raises the question how much should his country be paid to leave rainforests intact in order to produce oxygen for the world. The “Green Economy,” is viewed by many in the Global South (the term commonly used in place of the “Third World”) as a further expansion of global capitalism, the commodification of nature and a threat to indigenous people. Security becomes a question for many of whether they will have enough food to eat in a world, soon to be populated by 9 billion people, facing erosion of land, desertification and land grabs by both foreign governments and corporations. Subsistence farmers wonder why they must enter the monetary economy to become “sustainable” or “be lifted out of poverty,” and why their occupation of land for centuries does not constitute “title.”
I have learned that civil society, largely composed of nonprofit organizations (also called nongovernmental organizations or NGOs) and given quite limited official status, by holding to ideals of the future, commenting on intergovernmental negotiations and making their voices heard, are collectively a major force in the UN sustainable development process. Yet I have also learned that, now more than ever, government is the indispensable actor in bringing about the future we want.
With this growing knowledge, I have come to understand Rio+20 as not being a failure. The language of outcome documents in UN conferences such as Rio+20 are arrived at by consensus. Thus, the outcome document of Rio+20 reflected where there was and was not a global consensus on future commitments. The current financial crisis (and related national and regional politics) hung like a shadow over the proceedings. While progress on new commitments would have been preferable, the central issue in the proceedings became whether governments would preserve the basic principles of sustainable development adopted at the First Earth Summit in Rio in 1992, principles such as social equity, gender equality, common but differentiated responsibilities (requiring greater responsibility for developed countries), human rights (including, heretofore unrecognized rights to clean, drinkable water, basic sanitation, food security, a minimum standard of living, and a social protection floor), the polluter pays, the precautionary principle and the right to development (the right of all peoples to develop their own resources for their own needs, interests, and cultures). The reaffirmation of these principles became the limited success of the governmental portion of Rio+20.
The greater achievements came in the civil society portion. More than 30,000 civil society representatives participated in the official Rio+20 conference and 100,000 more in the concurrent People’s Summit and protest marches. There were also large concurrent business and professional gatherings in Rio, such as Business Action for Sustainable Development Business Day and the World Congress on Justice, Governance and Law for Environmental Sustainability. Knowing of the limitations of the official outcome document, activists released 14 People’s Sustainability Treaties and a People’s Sustainability Manifesto. President Rousseff of Brazil was justified in calling Rio+20 the most participatory conference in history and “a global expression of democracy.”
People who gathered in Rio knew the official results of the conference would be limited. They came nevertheless to network and to set the stage for the next phase of the UN sustainable development process, the shaping of the post 2015-development agenda in which the present Millennium Development Goals will be integrated into broader and more ambitious sustainable development goals. Those from civil society left to form a global citizens’ movement to take action now for sustainable development and to develop the political will for global policy change. Rio+20 was not an end, rather it was a new beginning.
Herman _____________________________________________ Herman Greene 2516 Winningham Drive Chapel Hill, NC 27516 919-929-4116 (h) 919-624-0579 (c) 919-942-4358 (f) Skype: hgreene-nc hfgreene@mindspring.com
_______________________________________________ OE mailing list OE@lists.wedgeblade.net http://lists.wedgeblade.net/listinfo.cgi/oe-wedgeblade.net
World wide and history long indeed. Well said Isobel. And well thought through, Herman. Some of us just skate on the surface. You did us a service. j'aime la vie -----Original Message----- From: Isobel and Jim Bishop <isobeljimbish@optusnet.com.au> To: Order Ecumenical Community <oe@lists.wedgeblade.net> Sent: Fri, Jul 20, 2012 3:21 pm Subject: Re: [Oe List ...] My report on Rio+20 Dear Herman, Thank you for the sound of hope here. I am reminded of the phrase' world wide and history long' we often used. I feel able to hold up my head again.. Shalom, Isobel Bishop. On 20/07/2012, at 10:19 AM, Herman Greene wrote: Here’s the report I wrote on Rio+20: NOTES FROM RIO+20: WHY IT DIDN’T FAIL By Herman F. Greene I was in Rio from June 13-22 for the UN Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20) and events preceding it. The prevailing sentiment is that Rio+20 was a failure. Scott Simon of NPR described it as the biggest UN conference ever and perhaps one of its biggest duds. The New York Times quoted a representative of CARE as saying it was “nothing more than a political charade,” and a representative of Greenpeace as declaring it “a failure of epic proportions.” When the official outcome document from Rio+20, titled “The Future We Want,” is not rejected outright, tepid assessments are generally given such as “it partially salvaged prior commitments, but offered little new.” Evaluating Rio+20 as a failure has consequences. For some, the “failure” of Rio+20 underscores the weakness or the UN processes as a whole. Because blame for the alleged failure has largely been placed on “governments,” the faith of some in the ability of governmental and intergovernmental organizations to address major problems has fallen. In the United States, where the event was seldom reported, summary reports of failure may lead some to say, “I didn’t know about it and it wasn’t important anyway.” My view of the conference is, however, different. I had to educate myself to understand the UN sustainable development process, of which Rio+20 is only the latest chapter in a 40-year long and continuing history. I began to engage directly in this process in October 2011 in order to promote formation of an International Ethics Panel on Ecological Civilization (IEPEC), a panel first proposed by Professor Ryoichi Yamamoto at a September 2011 conference in Tokyo. Returning from that conference, I learned Rio+20 was the place to take this idea as many NGOs and some governments were emphasizing the need for new ethical structures in UN governance in connection with one of Rio+20’s two major themes, “Institutional Framework for Sustainable Development.” In the course of attending three preparatory events in New York and the final Rio+20 conference, I have learned the UN’s sustainable development process is not primarily about the environment. It is about how the peoples of the world, as a whole, can improve their lives and the forms of development that are most appropriate for achieving this. Environment comes in because it must: after all Earth is the living planet and resource base on which humans depend both physically and culturally. Economics enters because our current understanding of social development is dominated by it and by certain established conventions, such as GDP, neo-liberalism, globalization, and industrialization, all of which were questioned in the Rio+20 debates, especially in relation to the conference’s other major theme, “The Green Economy in the Context of Poverty Eradication and Sustainable Development. I have learned that equity and security, in unfamiliar ways, are at the heart of every sustainable development debate. Small island states ask if it is equitable that they should be flooded due to global warming and rising seas attributable to the actions of others. The President of Ecuador raises the question how much should his country be paid to leave rainforests intact in order to produce oxygen for the world. The “Green Economy,” is viewed by many in the Global South (the term commonly used in place of the “Third World”) as a further expansion of global capitalism, the commodification of nature and a threat to indigenous people. Security becomes a question for many of whether they will have enough food to eat in a world, soon to be populated by 9 billion people, facing erosion of land, desertification and land grabs by both foreign governments and corporations. Subsistence farmers wonder why they must enter the monetary economy to become “sustainable” or “be lifted out of poverty,” and why their occupation of land for centuries does not constitute “title.” I have learned that civil society, largely composed of nonprofit organizations (also called nongovernmental organizations or NGOs) and given quite limited official status, by holding to ideals of the future, commenting on intergovernmental negotiations and making their voices heard, are collectively a major force in the UN sustainable development process. Yet I have also learned that, now more than ever, government is the indispensable actor in bringing about the future we want. With this growing knowledge, I have come to understand Rio+20 as not being a failure. The language of outcome documents in UN conferences such as Rio+20 are arrived at by consensus. Thus, the outcome document of Rio+20 reflected where there was and was not a global consensus on future commitments. The current financial crisis (and related national and regional politics) hung like a shadow over the proceedings. While progress on new commitments would have been preferable, the central issue in the proceedings became whether governments would preserve the basic principles of sustainable development adopted at the First Earth Summit in Rio in 1992, principles such as social equity, gender equality, common but differentiated responsibilities (requiring greater responsibility for developed countries), human rights (including, heretofore unrecognized rights to clean, drinkable water, basic sanitation, food security, a minimum standard of living, and a social protection floor), the polluter pays, the precautionary principle and the right to development (the right of all peoples to develop their own resources for their own needs, interests, and cultures). The reaffirmation of these principles became the limited success of the governmental portion of Rio+20. The greater achievements came in the civil society portion. More than 30,000 civil society representatives participated in the official Rio+20 conference and 100,000 more in the concurrent People’s Summit and protest marches. There were also large concurrent business and professional gatherings in Rio, such as Business Action for Sustainable Development Business Day and the World Congress on Justice, Governance and Law for Environmental Sustainability. Knowing of the limitations of the official outcome document, activists released 14 People’s Sustainability Treaties and a People’s Sustainability Manifesto. President Rousseff of Brazil was justified in calling Rio+20 the most participatory conference in history and “a global expression of democracy.” People who gathered in Rio knew the official results of the conference would be limited. They came nevertheless to network and to set the stage for the next phase of the UN sustainable development process, the shaping of the post 2015-development agenda in which the present Millennium Development Goals will be integrated into broader and more ambitious sustainable development goals. Those from civil society left to form a global citizens’ movement to take action now for sustainable development and to develop the political will for global policy change. Rio+20 was not an end, rather it was a new beginning. Herman _____________________________________________ Herman Greene 2516 Winningham Drive Chapel Hill, NC 27516 919-929-4116 (h) 919-624-0579 (c) 919-942-4358 (f) Skype: hgreene-nc hfgreene@mindspring.com _______________________________________________ OE mailing list OE@lists.wedgeblade.net http://lists.wedgeblade.net/listinfo.cgi/oe-wedgeblade.net _______________________________________________ OE mailing list OE@lists.wedgeblade.net http://lists.wedgeblade.net/listinfo.cgi/oe-wedgeblade.net
Herman's participation in Rio+20, and his take on what happened there, viewed from a much broader and more inclusive perspective than most of the other reports that came from the meeting, I would point to as the transestablishment at work. Randy "Listen to what is emerging from yourself to the course of being in the world; not to be supported by it, but to bring it to reality as it desires." -Martin Buber (adapted) ________________________________ From: Herman Greene <hfgreene@mindspring.com> To: 'Order Ecumenical Community' <oe@lists.wedgeblade.net> Sent: Thursday, July 19, 2012 7:19 PM Subject: [Oe List ...] My report on Rio+20 Here’s the report I wrote on Rio +20: NOTES FROM RIO +20: WHY IT DIDN’T FAIL By Herman F. Greene I was in Rio from June 13-22 for the UN Conference on Sustainable Development ( Rio +20) and events preceding it. The prevailing sentiment is that Rio +20 was a failure. Scott Simon of NPR described it as the biggest UN conference ever and perhaps one of its biggest duds. The New York Times quoted a representative of CARE as saying it was “nothing more than a political charade,” and a representative of Greenpeace as declaring it “a failure of epic proportions.” When the official outcome document from Rio +20, titled “The Future We Want,” is not rejected outright, tepid assessments are generally given such as “it partially salvaged prior commitments, but offered little new.” Evaluating Rio +20 as a failure has consequences. For some, the “failure” of Rio +20 underscores the weakness or the UN processes as a whole. Because blame for the alleged failure has largely been placed on “governments,” the faith of some in the ability of governmental and intergovernmental organizations to address major problems has fallen. In the United States , where the event was seldom reported, summary reports of failure may lead some to say, “I didn’t know about it and it wasn’t important anyway.” My view of the conference is, however, different. I had to educate myself to understand the UN sustainable development process, of which Rio +20 is only the latest chapter in a 40-year long and continuing history. I began to engage directly in this process in October 2011 in order to promote formation of an International Ethics Panel on Ecological Civilization (IEPEC), a panel first proposed by Professor Ryoichi Yamamoto at a September 2011 conference in Tokyo . Returning from that conference, I learned Rio+20 was the place to take this idea as many NGOs and some governments were emphasizing the need for new ethical structures in UN governance in connection with one of Rio+20’s two major themes, “Institutional Framework for Sustainable Development.” In the course of attending three preparatory events in New York and the final Rio +20 conference, I have learned the UN’s sustainable development process is not primarily about the environment. It is about how the peoples of the world, as a whole, can improve their lives and the forms of development that are most appropriate for achieving this. Environment comes in because it must: after all Earth is the living planet and resource base on which humans depend both physically and culturally. Economics enters because our current understanding of social development is dominated by it and by certain established conventions, such as GDP, neo-liberalism, globalization, and industrialization, all of which were questioned in the Rio+20 debates, especially in relation to the conference’s other major theme, “The Green Economy in the Context of Poverty Eradication and Sustainable Development. I have learned that equity and security, in unfamiliar ways, are at the heart of every sustainable development debate. Small island states ask if it is equitable that they should be flooded due to global warming and rising seas attributable to the actions of others. The President of Ecuador raises the question how much should his country be paid to leave rainforests intact in order to produce oxygen for the world. The “Green Economy,” is viewed by many in the Global South (the term commonly used in place of the “ Third World ”) as a further expansion of global capitalism, the commodification of nature and a threat to indigenous people. Security becomes a question for many of whether they will have enough food to eat in a world, soon to be populated by 9 billion people, facing erosion of land, desertification and land grabs by both foreign governments and corporations. Subsistence farmers wonder why they must enter the monetary economy to become “sustainable” or “be lifted out of poverty,” and why their occupation of land for centuries does not constitute “title.” I have learned that civil society, largely composed of nonprofit organizations (also called nongovernmental organizations or NGOs) and given quite limited official status, by holding to ideals of the future, commenting on intergovernmental negotiations and making their voices heard, are collectively a major force in the UN sustainable development process. Yet I have also learned that, now more than ever, government is the indispensable actor in bringing about the future we want. With this growing knowledge, I have come to understand Rio +20 as not being a failure. The language of outcome documents in UN conferences such as Rio +20 are arrived at by consensus. Thus, the outcome document of Rio +20 reflected where there was and was not a global consensus on future commitments. The current financial crisis (and related national and regional politics) hung like a shadow over the proceedings. While progress on new commitments would have been preferable, the central issue in the proceedings became whether governments would preserve the basic principles of sustainable development adopted at the First Earth Summit in Rio in 1992, principles such as social equity, gender equality, common but differentiated responsibilities (requiring greater responsibility for developed countries), human rights (including, heretofore unrecognized rights to clean, drinkable water, basic sanitation, food security, a minimum standard of living, and a social protection floor), the polluter pays, the precautionary principle and the right to development (the right of all peoples to develop their own resources for their own needs, interests, and cultures). The reaffirmation of these principles became the limited success of the governmental portion of Rio +20. The greater achievements came in the civil society portion. More than 30,000 civil society representatives participated in the official Rio+20 conference and 100,000 more in the concurrent People’s Summit and protest marches. There were also large concurrent business and professional gatherings in Rio , such as Business Action for Sustainable Development Business Day and the World Congress on Justice, Governance and Law for Environmental Sustainability. Knowing of the limitations of the official outcome document, activists released 14 People’s Sustainability Treaties and a People’s Sustainability Manifesto. President Rousseff of Brazil was justified in calling Rio +20 the most participatory conference in history and “a global expression of democracy.” People who gathered in Rio knew the official results of the conference would be limited. They came nevertheless to network and to set the stage for the next phase of the UN sustainable development process, the shaping of the post 2015-development agenda in which the present Millennium Development Goals will be integrated into broader and more ambitious sustainable development goals. Those from civil society left to form a global citizens’ movement to take action now for sustainable development and to develop the political will for global policy change. Rio +20 was not an end, rather it was a new beginning. Herman _____________________________________________ Herman Greene 2516 Winningham Drive Chapel Hill, NC 27516 919-929-4116 (h) 919-624-0579 (c) 919-942-4358 (f) Skype: hgreene-nc hfgreene@mindspring.com _______________________________________________ OE mailing list OE@lists.wedgeblade.net http://lists.wedgeblade.net/listinfo.cgi/oe-wedgeblade.net
Hi Herman, Your report reminded me of an article I found about the Copenhagen conference when I was doing research for my editing work on the courage to lead. It is below: By Tom Brookes and Tim Nuthall The European Climate Foundation The great German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche said "from chaos comes order". It is difficult to foresee the order that may result from the chaos of the Copenhagen climate change conference (COP15), but as the dust settles, traces of a path forward are becoming visible. The outcome - a decision to "take note of" an accord drawn up by a core group of heads of state on Friday evening - is far from the legally binding treaty which some had expected and for which many hoped. However, this does not change the fact that the Copenhagen conference was a unique moment in history. What Copenhagen changed: With 110 world leaders present and a single issue on the agenda, there has never been a meeting like this. The countries that brokered the text, the US, China, India, South Africa, Brazil and the EU, also reflects a world in which the balance of power has significantly changed in the last 20 years. At a fundamental level, the conference redefined the debate between countries in terms of awareness of climate science and support for action. There is no longer any question that climate change is central to the political thinking of every country on the planet. Public awareness has also massively increased. The vast campaigns run around the world in the run-up to Copenhagen by governments, NGOs and business and the media coverage of the issue and the summit have made addressing climate change widely understood and discussed from the pubs of rural England to the bars of Beijing. The other very important change is that green growth is now the prevailing economic model of our time. The idea that addressing climate change is bad for business was buried at Copenhagen. Countries from both developed and developing worlds have announced low-carbon economic plans and are moving forward. What it did not change: That combination of political will, economic direction and public pressure was not enough to overcome the concerns over sovereignty that many countries have in the context of international law. The final decision reflects the fact that many countries only want to be answerable to themselves. They will co-operate, but not under the threat of legal sanction. There is no quantified aggregate target for emissions reduction such as the 50% by 2050 that was in early drafts - as it stands, targets are yet to be announced and they may be at the low end of what was promised, locking in ever greater emissions. The reference to transparency in the text is significant as it will mean that for the first time actions by countries can be assessed globally, but there is no verification of the actions undertaken in the developing world unless they are paid for by the developed world. Also, there is very little detail on any of the elements it does mention. The accord does refer to the target of limiting global warming to 2C above pre-industrial temperatures, as well as the need for quantified action by both developed and developing countries - but it's unclear how the target will be achieved. Jeanette Stanfield jstanfield@ica-associates.ca The Courage to Lead ebook paperback bookstore.iuniverse.com/Products/SKU-000549321/the-courage-to-lead.aspx http://alturl.com/y67hu www.icacan.org
Yes Jeanette, this is the same way of seeing things . . . the light that shines in the darkness. Herman _____ From: oe-bounces@lists.wedgeblade.net [mailto:oe-bounces@lists.wedgeblade.net] On Behalf Of Jeanette Stanfield Sent: Sunday, July 22, 2012 9:26 AM To: Order Ecumenical Community Subject: Re: [Oe List ...] My report on Rio+20 Hi Herman, Your report reminded me of an article I found about the Copenhagen conference when I was doing research for my editing work on the courage to lead. It is below: By Tom Brookes and Tim Nuthall The European Climate Foundation The great German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche said "from chaos comes order". It is difficult to foresee the order that may result from the chaos of the Copenhagen climate change conference (COP15), but as the dust settles, traces of a path forward are becoming visible. The outcome - a decision to "take note of" an accord drawn up by a core group of heads of state on Friday evening - is far from the legally binding treaty which some had expected and for which many hoped. However, this does not change the fact that the Copenhagen conference was a unique moment in history. What Copenhagen changed: With 110 world leaders present and a single issue on the agenda, there has never been a meeting like this. The countries that brokered the text, the US, China, India, South Africa, Brazil and the EU, also reflects a world in which the balance of power has significantly changed in the last 20 years. At a fundamental level, the conference redefined the debate between countries in terms of awareness of climate science and support for action. There is no longer any question that climate change is central to the political thinking of every country on the planet. Public awareness has also massively increased. The vast campaigns run around the world in the run-up to Copenhagen by governments, NGOs and business and the media coverage of the issue and the summit have made addressing climate change widely understood and discussed from the pubs of rural England to the bars of Beijing. The other very important change is that green growth is now the prevailing economic model of our time. The idea that addressing climate change is bad for business was buried at Copenhagen. Countries from both developed and developing worlds have announced low-carbon economic plans and are moving forward. What it did not change: That combination of political will, economic direction and public pressure was not enough to overcome the concerns over sovereignty that many countries have in the context of international law. The final decision reflects the fact that many countries only want to be answerable to themselves. They will co-operate, but not under the threat of legal sanction. There is no quantified aggregate target for emissions reduction such as the 50% by 2050 that was in early drafts - as it stands, targets are yet to be announced and they may be at the low end of what was promised, locking in ever greater emissions. The reference to transparency in the text is significant as it will mean that for the first time actions by countries can be assessed globally, but there is no verification of the actions undertaken in the developing world unless they are paid for by the developed world. Also, there is very little detail on any of the elements it does mention. The accord does refer to the target of limiting global warming to 2C above pre-industrial temperatures, as well as the need for quantified action by both developed and developing countries - but it's unclear how the target will be achieved. Jeanette Stanfield jstanfield@ica-associates.ca The Courage to Lead ebook paperback bookstore.iuniverse.com/Products/SKU-000549321/the-courage-to-lead.aspx http://alturl.com/y67hu www.icacan.org
Herman, I have been out of town, and just now reading your Rio+20 piece. It is such a hopeful piece. Much work to do, but hope filled. Thanks so much. Charles Hahn On Thu, Jul 19, 2012 at 7:19 PM, Herman Greene <hfgreene@mindspring.com>wrote:
** ** ** ** ** ** ** **
Here’s the report I wrote on **Rio**+20:****
** **
** **
*NOTES FROM RIO+20: WHY IT DIDN’T FAIL*
*By Herman F. Greene*
I was in Rio from June 13-22 for the UN Conference on Sustainable Development (**Rio**+20) and events preceding it. The prevailing sentiment is that **Rio**+20 was a failure. Scott Simon of NPR described it as the biggest UN conference ever and perhaps one of its biggest duds. *The New York Times *quoted a representative of CARE as saying it was “nothing more than a political charade,” and a representative of Greenpeace as declaring it “a failure of epic proportions.” When the official outcome document from **Rio**+20, titled “The Future We Want,” is not rejected outright, tepid assessments are generally given such as “it partially salvaged prior commitments, but offered little new.”****
** **
Evaluating **Rio**+20 as a failure has consequences. For some, the “failure” of **Rio**+20 underscores the weakness or the UN processes as a whole. Because blame for the alleged failure has largely been placed on “governments,” the faith of some in the ability of governmental and intergovernmental organizations to address major problems has fallen. In the ****United States****, where the event was seldom reported, summary reports of failure may lead some to say, “I didn’t know about it and it wasn’t important anyway.”****
** **
My view of the conference is, however, different. I had to educate myself to understand the UN sustainable development process, of which **Rio**+20 is only the latest chapter in a 40-year long and continuing history. I began to engage directly in this process in October 2011 in order to promote formation of an International Ethics Panel on Ecological Civilization (IEPEC), a panel first proposed by Professor **Ryoichi Yamamoto** at a September 2011 conference in ****Tokyo****. Returning from that conference, I learned Rio+20 was the place to take this idea as many NGOs and some governments were emphasizing the need for new ethical structures in UN governance in connection with one of Rio+20’s two major themes, “Institutional Framework for Sustainable Development.”****
** **
In the course of attending three preparatory events in **New York** and the final **Rio**+20 conference, I have learned the UN’s sustainable development process is not primarily about the environment. It is about how the peoples of the world, as a whole, can improve their lives and the forms of development that are most appropriate for achieving this. Environment comes in because it must: after all Earth is the living planet and resource base on which humans depend both physically and culturally. Economics enters because our current understanding of social development is dominated by it and by certain established conventions, such as GDP, neo-liberalism, globalization, and industrialization, all of which were questioned in the Rio+20 debates, especially in relation to the conference’s other major theme, “The Green Economy in the Context of Poverty Eradication and Sustainable Development.****
** **
I have learned that equity and security, in unfamiliar ways, are at the heart of every sustainable development debate. Small island states ask if it is equitable that they should be flooded due to global warming and rising seas attributable to the actions of others. The President of Ecuador raises the question how much should his country be paid to leave rainforests intact in order to produce oxygen for the world. The “Green Economy,” is viewed by many in the Global South (the term commonly used in place of the “**Third World**”) as a further expansion of global capitalism, the commodification of nature and a threat to indigenous people. Security becomes a question for many of whether they will have enough food to eat in a world, soon to be populated by 9 billion people, facing erosion of land, desertification and land grabs by both foreign governments and corporations. Subsistence farmers wonder why they must enter the monetary economy to become “sustainable” or “be lifted out of poverty,” and why their occupation of land for centuries does not constitute “title.”****
** **
I have learned that civil society, largely composed of nonprofit organizations (also called nongovernmental organizations or NGOs) and given quite limited official status, by holding to ideals of the future, commenting on intergovernmental negotiations and making their voices heard, are collectively a major force in the UN sustainable development process. Yet I have also learned that, now more than ever, government is the indispensable actor in bringing about the future we want.****
** **
With this growing knowledge, I have come to understand **Rio**+20 as not being a failure. The language of outcome documents in UN conferences such as **Rio**+20 are arrived at by consensus. Thus, the outcome document of * *Rio**+20 reflected where there was and was not a global consensus on future commitments. The current financial crisis (and related national and regional politics) hung like a shadow over the proceedings. While progress on new commitments would have been preferable, the central issue in the proceedings became whether governments would preserve the basic principles of sustainable development adopted at the First Earth Summit in Rio in 1992, principles such as social equity, gender equality, common but differentiated responsibilities (requiring greater responsibility for developed countries), human rights (including, heretofore unrecognized rights to clean, drinkable water, basic sanitation, food security, a minimum standard of living, and a social protection floor), the polluter pays, the precautionary principle and the right to development (the right of all peoples to develop their own resources for their own needs, interests, and cultures). The reaffirmation of these principles became the limited success of the governmental portion of **Rio**+20.****
** **
The greater achievements came in the civil society portion. More than 30,000 civil society representatives participated in the official Rio+20 conference and 100,000 more in the concurrent People’s ****Summit**** and protest marches. There were also large concurrent business and professional gatherings in **Rio**, such as Business Action for Sustainable Development Business Day and the World Congress on Justice, Governance and Law for Environmental Sustainability. Knowing of the limitations of the official outcome document, activists released 14 People’s Sustainability Treaties and a People’s Sustainability Manifesto. President Rousseff of ** Brazil** was justified in calling **Rio**+20 the most participatory conference in history and “a global expression of democracy.”****
** **
People who gathered in **Rio** knew the official results of the conference would be limited. They came nevertheless to network and to set the stage for the next phase of the UN sustainable development process, the shaping of the post 2015-development agenda in which the present Millennium Development Goals will be integrated into broader and more ambitious sustainable development goals. Those from civil society left to form a global citizens’ movement to take action now for sustainable development and to develop the political will for global policy change. **Rio**+20 was not an end, rather it was a new beginning. ****
** **
Herman****
*_____________________________________________*****
**Herman Greene******
********************2516 Winningham Drive************************
********************************Chapel Hill************, ********NC******* * ********27516**************
919-929-4116 (h)****
919-624-0579 (c)****
919-942-4358 (f)****
Skype: hgreene-nc****
hfgreene@mindspring.com ****
** ** **
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participants (8)
-
Charles Hahn -
Ellie Stock -
Evelyn Kurihara Philbrook -
Herman Greene -
Isobel and Jim Bishop -
Jaime R Vergara -
Jeanette Stanfield -
R Williams